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Prevalence of starting time boyish pregnancy and its associated factors in sub-Saharan Africa: A multi-country analysis
- Vivid Opoku Ahinkorah,
- Melissa Kang,
- Lin Perry,
- Fiona Brooks,
- Andrew Hayen
10
- Published: February four, 2022
- https://doi.org/10.1371/periodical.pone.0246308
Figures
Abstract
Introduction
In depression-and center-income countries, pregnancy-related complications are major causes of death for young women. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy and its associated factors in sub-Saharan Africa.
Methods
Nosotros undertook a secondary analysis of cantankerous-exclusive data from Demographic and Wellness Surveys conducted in 32 sub-Saharan African countries between 2022 and 2022. We calculated the prevalence of offset adolescent (aged 15 to xix years) pregnancy in each state and examined associations betwixt individual and contextual level factors and first adolescent pregnancy.
Results
Amongst all adolescents, Congo experienced the highest prevalence of starting time boyish pregnancy (44.iii%) and Rwanda the lowest (7.2%). Notwithstanding, among adolescents who had ever had sexual practice, the prevalence ranged from 36.5% in Rwanda to 75.half dozen% in Chad. The odds of first adolescent pregnancy was higher with increasing age, working, being married/cohabiting, having primary teaching merely, early sexual initiation, knowledge of contraceptives, no unmet demand for contraception and poorest wealth quintile. By contrast, adolescents who lived in rural areas and in the Westward African sub-region had lower odds of first adolescent pregnancy.
Conclusion
The prevalence of adolescent pregnancy in sub-Saharan African countries is high. Agreement the predictors of outset adolescent pregnancy tin facilitate the development of effective social policies such as family planning and comprehensive sex and human relationship education in sub-Saharan Africa and tin assistance ensure healthy lives and promotion of well-being for adolescents and their families and communities.
Citation: Ahinkorah BO, Kang Thousand, Perry 50, Brooks F, Hayen A (2021) Prevalence of starting time adolescent pregnancy and its associated factors in sub-Saharan Africa: A multi-land analysis. PLoS ONE xvi(2): e0246308. https://doi.org/10.1371/periodical.pone.0246308
Editor: José Antonio Ortega, University of Salamanca, Kingdom of spain
Received: August 30, 2022; Accepted: January 15, 2022; Published: February four, 2022
This is an open up admission commodity, free of all copyright, and may be freely reproduced, distributed, transmitted, modified, built upon, or otherwise used past anyone for whatsoever lawful purpose. The work is made bachelor under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication.
Data Availability: The dataset is bachelor to the public at https://dhsprogram.com/data/available-datasets.cfm.
Funding: The writer(due south) received no specific funding for this work.
Competing interests: The authors take declared that no competing interests exist.
Introduction
Pregnancy among adolescent girls (aged 15 to19 years) is often associated with high risks to both the mother and the fetus [1] and can lead to intergenerational cycles of poverty, poor teaching and unemployment [two]. In depression-and center-income countries, pregnancy-related complications are major causes of death for girls aged 15 to 19 years quondam [3].
Globally, adolescent birth rates have fallen from 65 births per 1000 women in 1990 to 47 births per 1000 women in 2022 [iv]. In 2022, Sedgh, Finer [5] provided a comprehensive overview of the variations in boyish pregnancy across countries by looking at the trends of adolescent pregnancy, birth and abortion charge per unit and concluded that despite recent declines, adolescent pregnancy rates remain high in many countries. The number of adolescent pregnancies is projected to increase globally past 2030, as the total population of adolescents continues to grow, with the greatest proportional increases in Western and Central, Eastern and Southern Africa [six]. The projected increment in adolescent pregnancies is probable to be more prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), which already leads the world in teen pregnancies [7, 8] and kid marriage [9].
Efforts have been made to reduce adolescent pregnancy globally, and this is evident in the Sustainable Development Goal 3, Target 3.7 that seeks to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive wellness-care services, including family planning, information and education, and the integration of reproductive health into national strategies and programmes by 2030 [10]. This is important in respect to the high rates of maternal mortality [11], ballgame [12] and neonatal deaths [13] associated with boyish pregnancy in SSA. International evidence links the provision of high quality comprehensive sex and relationship education to improved employ of contraception as major strategies for addressing adolescent pregnancy [14]. In SSA, many programs and strategies, including comprehensive sex education and family unit planning services are geared towards reduction in boyish pregnancy [fifteen–17]. However, their impact to date is unclear, as adolescent pregnancy rates remain high in countries in SSA [18].
The effectiveness of these programs and strategies depends on multiple factors, but empirical prove is not ever available for all the potential predictors of adolescent pregnancy in the sub-Saharan African region. In this sub-region, near studies have focused on unmarried countries just [19–23], with few using nationally-representative data from multiple countries [24, 25]. Others have combined the findings of single state studies and examined the predictors of adolescent pregnancy through systematic reviews and meta-analyses [26–28]. These studies have identified sexual coercion or pressure from male partners, low or incorrect use of contraceptives, lack of parental communication and back up, early spousal relationship, religion, early sexual debut, lack of comprehensive sexuality education, residence, marital status, depression cocky-esteem and educational status of adolescents [26–28] as correlates of boyish pregnancy. However, major issues in these previous analyses include the use of outdated information, from equally far back as 2001 [27], and the combination of data which are nationally-representative with those from selected areas within single countries [26–28]. No other publications have combined the findings of studies carried out in all countries in SSA using Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) information. Since adolescent pregnancy is a major phenomenon in SSA, examining its prevalence and predictors in multiple countries can help sympathise the patterns of prevalence and mutual predictors across the countries of SSA. We, therefore, sought to fill up these gaps by examining the prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy and its associated factors in SSA using nationally representative data from 32 countries collected betwixt 2022 and 2022. Examination of factors associated with first adolescent pregnancy in multiple countries using DHS in this sub-region can help develop common strategies for dealing with adolescent pregnancy across the sub-region. Furthermore, large-scale, nationally representative surveys such as DHS provide opportunities for many countries to have more than comprehensive information on adolescent fertility that assimilates some of the contextual, socio-economic and geographic factors [29]. Findings from the written report will as well enhance the bear witness available to inform policy and practise development towards achieving Sustainable Evolution Goal three which seeks to ensure good for you lives and promote well-beingness for all at all ages [10].
Methods
Design and sampling
We conducted a secondary analysis of information from the DHS conducted betwixt January 1 2022 and December 31 2022 in 32 countries in SSA. The DHS is a nationwide survey mostly collected every v-twelvemonth menstruation across low-and middle-income countries. It uses standard procedures for sampling, questionnaires, information collection, cleaning, coding and assay, which allows for cross-state comparing [30]. The survey employs a stratified 2-stage sampling technique [31]. The outset stage involves the development of a sampling frame, consisting of a list of primary sampling units (PSUs) or enumeration areas (EAs), which covers the entire country and is usually developed from the latest available national census. The second stage is the systematic sampling of households listed in each cluster or EA. In this written report, we outset accessed information on a total of 95,703 female adolescents (fifteen–19 years) from 32 countries in SSA to analyse the prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy among all adolescents in SSA (see Table 1). For subsequent analysis, nosotros excluded adolescents who had never had sex activity and examined the prevalence and predictors of first adolescent pregnancy amidst adolescents who had e'er had sex. Within this subset, there were complete data available for the included variables of interest for 40,272 female person adolescents. We included all who provided an age at first sexual practice, while excluding those who responded that they had never had sex. The rationale was to examine the factors associated with first adolescent pregnancy amongst those adolescents who are at risk of getting meaning through sexual initiation.
Definition of variables
Outcome variable.
The outcome variable for this study was 'first adolescent pregnancy'. We defined this as females aged xv to nineteen years who had e'er given birth; were pregnant at the time of the survey; or who had e'er had a pregnancy terminated. The rationale for looking at 'first boyish pregnancy' was to provide a holistic measurement of boyish pregnancy, which has been employed in previous studies among adolescents in SSA [22, 23] and globally, where birth and abortion rates (fifty-fifty in countries where data are limited) were each considered important 'pregnancy outcomes' [5]. Similar concept was used by Neal, Channon [29] in their study on trends in adolescent get-go births in SSA, where the authors defined 'adolescent first births' as births that occurred before the age of xx years amidst women aged 20–24. The need to include pregnancy and ballgame data and not just nativity rate in the current study has been argued in the transition from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development Goals, notwithstanding that underreporting of abortion is inevitable [32]. A sole focus on adolescents who were pregnant at the fourth dimension of the survey would lead to under-reporting of the bodily prevalence of adolescent pregnancy since some girls would accept been significant previously and have already given nascence, and others would have been pregnant and had their pregnancies terminated.
Contained variables.
We used eleven independent variables: eight were individual level and three contextual level variables. The private level variables were: age of respondents, marital status, highest educational level, occupation, exposure to media, age at first sexual activity, noesis of contraceptives and unmet need for contraception. Exposure to media was derived from the proportion of adolescents who either read a newspaper, listened to the radio or watched television receiver at to the lowest degree one time per week. The contextual level variables included wealth quintile, place of residence and sub-regions. It should be noted that apart from age at get-go sex, all the contained variables were measured at the survey engagement while showtime pregnancy might have happened years ago. This can lead to the possibility of reverse causality. Detailed description and coding of the variables is available in S1 Table.
Statistical analysis
We used Stata version xiii to analyse the data. First, nosotros calculated the prevalence of get-go boyish pregnancy among all adolescents in the 32 SSA countries using frequencies and percentages. Next, nosotros calculated the prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy among the subset of adolescents who had ever had sexual intercourse. We then conducted bivariate analysis using the chi-square test to assess relationships betwixt potentially explanatory variables and the outcome variable of outset adolescent pregnancy. Finally, a two-level multilevel logistic regression model was used to investigate the association between potential explanatory variables and the outcome variable among adolescents who had always had sex activity.
The two-level multilevel logistic regression modelling in this study implies that adolescent girls were nested within clusters. Clusters were considered as random effects to cater for the unexplained variability at the private and household levels [33, 34]. Iv models were fitted. Model 0 showed the variance in first adolescent pregnancy attributed to the distribution of the main sampling units in the absence of the explanatory variables. Model I had the individual level variables while Model 2 contained the contextual level variables. The terminal model (Model 3) was the consummate model that had both the individual and contextual level variables. The Stata command 'melogit' was used in fitting these models. Model comparing was done using the log-likelihood ratio and Akaike'southward Information Criterion (AIC) tests. The highest log-likelihood and the lowest AIC were used to make up one's mind the all-time fit model (see Table 3). Odds ratios and associated 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were presented for all the models apart from model 0. To ensure in that location was no potent correlation between the potential explanatory variables, a exam for multicollinearity was done using the variance inflation factor and the results showed no evidence of collinearity among the explanatory variables (Mean = 1.24, Maximum VIF = ane.54 and Minimum VIF = one.06). Categories of the explanatory variables with the lowest prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy among adolescents who had ever had sexual practice were used as reference values in the multivariable multilevel logistic regression analysis.
In terms of applying sample weights, since this was a pooled information analysis, the standard weight variable for the individual recode file (v005) was first de-normalized as follows: v005 × (total female population 15–49 in the state)/ (total number of women 15–49 interviewed in the survey) and so re-normalized and then that in the pooled sample the average is i. This was of import because co-ordinate to the DHS sampling and household listing transmission, the normalized weight is not valid for pooled information, even for data pooled for women and men in the same survey, because the normalization factor is state and sex activity specific [35].
Ethical approval
Ethical approval was given by individual national institutional review boards and by the Inner City Fund (ICF) International Institutional Review Board. Permission to utilize the data prepare was sought from Measure out DHS. The dataset is available to the public at https://dhsprogram.com/information/available-datasets.cfm. The Academy of Technology Sydney Homo Inquiry Ethics Commission reviewed and approved the conduct of the report (ETH19-3919).
Results
The prevalence of first pregnancy among all adolescent girls in SSA ranged from seven.2% in Rwanda to 44.3% in Congo. Yet, among adolescents who had e'er had sexual activity, the prevalence ranged from 36.v% in Rwanda to 75.6% in Republic of chad. Table i presents the prevalence of kickoff adolescent pregnancy amid all adolescent females (15–19 years) also as for those who had ever had sex in SSA.
Relationship between individual and contextual level variables and first pregnancy among adolescents who had ever had sexual activity
Nosotros examined the correlates of first boyish pregnancy for the sample of adolescents who had e'er had sexual practice (Table 2). Adolescent pregnancy was more likely with increasing age, rural residence, working, being or always have been married or cohabiting, lower levels of education and non-exposure to media (television, newspaper and radio). Having commencement sexual practice before 16 years of historic period, having no knowledge of contraceptives, having no unmet need for contraception, decreasing wealth, and the Central African sub-region were all associated with higher levels of adolescent pregnancy.
Factors associated with showtime pregnancy in adolescents who had always had sexual activity in sub-Saharan Africa
In terms of the private level predictors, the odds of having first boyish pregnancy in SSA increased with age, with those anile nineteen years having approximately 13 times college odds of experiencing get-go pregnancy compared to those aged 15 (AOR = 12.81, 95% CI = 11.48–14.29). Adolescents who were working had nine% increase in odds of having first pregnancy compared to those who were not working (AOR = 1.09, 95% CI = one.04–1.15). Married/cohabiting/previously married adolescents were eight times more than probable to have first pregnancy compared to never married adolescents (AOR = eight.thirty, 95% CI = vii.84–8.78). Nosotros as well found a 38% increase in odds of having beginning pregnancy amidst adolescents with primary pedagogy only (AOR = 1.38, 95% CI = one.30–1.46), compared to those with secondary/higher didactics. Adolescents who had no exposure to media (boob tube, newspaper or radio) had 8% greater hazard of having first pregnancy (AOR = 1.08, 95% CI = 1.02–one.15) compared to those who had media exposure. The odds of having first pregnancy tripled amongst boyish girls who had first sex before age 16 (AOR = 3.nineteen, 95% CI = ii.98–3.28) and those who had no unmet demand for contraception (AOR = two.86, 95% CI = two.69–3.03) but decreased by 30% among those who had noesis on either modernistic or traditional contraceptives.
With the contextual level factors, the odds of having starting time pregnancy doubled amidst adolescents of the poorest wealth quintile (AOR = 2.04, 95% CI = i.86–2.24), compared to those of the richest wealth quintile. On the other manus, a 12% decrease in odds of having first pregnancy was constitute among adolescent girls who lived in rural areas (AOR = 0.88, 95% CI = 0.83–0.94) and 36% decrease in odds amid those who lived in the West African sub-region (AOR = 0.64, 95% CI = 0.57–0.72), compared to those who lived in urban areas and in Southern Africa, respectively.
With the random effects results, the consummate model (Model Three), which included all the individual and contextual level factors in the model and had an AIC of 39677.8 and a log-likelihood ratio of -19816.9, was considered equally the best fit model for predicting the occurrence of first adolescent pregnancy. The factors associated with first adolescent pregnancy in Sub-Saharan Africa are presented in Tabular array 3.
Word
To our cognition, this is the showtime study that has sought to examine the prevalence of start boyish pregnancy and its associated factors beyond 32 sub-Saharan African countries. We institute that the prevalence of get-go adolescent pregnancy was highest in Congo and everyman in Rwanda. Among adolescents who had always had sexual activity, we constitute that increasing age, working, being married/cohabiting, having primary pedagogy simply, early sexual initiation, knowledge of contraceptives, no unmet need for contraception and poorest wealth quintile were associated with having first adolescent pregnancy. By contrast, adolescents who lived in rural areas and in the West African sub-region had lower odds of having first pregnancy.
The high prevalence of outset adolescent pregnancy in Congo and in Central Africa ostend the findings of reports by UNICEF [36] and UNFPA [7]. One possible reason for this is that Congo has ane of highest rates of kid marriage globally, with one in three girls married earlier their 18th birthday and 7% married before the age of fifteen [37]. Several other studies have found an association betwixt kid marriage and adolescent pregnancy [38–40]. Most girls who experience child wedlock accept no education, alive in poor households and frequently in rural areas, increasing their odds of engaging in behaviours that put them at risk of pregnancy [41].
Being married or in relationship was also identified as a cistron associated with first pregnancy among adolescent girls who had e'er had sex in SSA. This is supported by previous studies [26, 42]. 1 of the plausible reasons for this is that matrimony/cohabitation predispose adolescent girls to pregnancy since they increase their desire to have children. This becomes fifty-fifty stronger in nearly sub-Saharan African countries, where boyish girls may face social force per unit area to marry and, one time married, to accept children. On the other hand, other studies have shown that some adolescent girls are given into marriage or end upwardly cohabiting after pregnancy [43, 44].
In terms of the relationship between place of residence and first adolescent pregnancy, the odds of having first pregnancy was loftier amongst adolescents who lived in rural areas in the Model that had merely the contextual level factors (Model II). Still, in the model that adapted for both the individual and contextual level factors, a reverse association occurred. This could hateful that individual level factors play a function in the association between identify of residence and start adolescent pregnancy.
Adolescent girls with knowledge of contraceptives were more likely to have first pregnancy. Although apparently counter-intuitive, it is possible that knowledge of contraceptives occurred after a pregnancy had occurred. Other explanations include that reported noesis was superficial and that acceptable knowledge nearly the range and utilise of contraceptive methods was defective [45]. Alternatively, pregnancy might have occurred in spite of contraceptive knowledge due to the want or social pressure to become pregnant and was non mitigated past outside incentives to delay childbearing [46]. Societal norms such equally condemning early on engagement in sexual activity, pregnancy and use of contraceptives amongst unmarried adolescents tin can likewise nowadays major obstacles to contraceptive apply [47]. Moreover, information on contraceptives may exist incorrect and filled with misconceptions, especially when stemming from unreliable rather than trust-worthy sources of information [12, 48, 49]. Studies from SSA have shown that college knowledge of contraceptives, peculiarly amid adolescents, does non e'er lead to higher utilization of contraceptives [48, 50, 51] and that most adolescents with high noesis of contraceptives often face barriers in accessing and using contraceptives, including stigma and discrimination past healthcare providers and fright of side effects [48, 52, 53]. Other possible reasons for the finding is that knowledge of contraceptives tin can occur after childbirth/ballgame [12, 54, 55].
Having no unmet needs for contraception was also shown to be associated with outset adolescent pregnancy in our study. The possible reason for the seemingly counter-intuitive finding could be that adolescent girls may have different fertility intentions after pregnancy, abortion or childbirth [56]. Other possible explanations for this include that boyish girls may accept used traditional or folkloric methods rather than modern contraceptives. Contraceptive failure, incorrect and inconsistent condom use likewise every bit non-employ of contraceptives can pb to unplanned pregnancy [57].
Higher levels of teaching were linked with lower likelihood of having first boyish pregnancy in SSA, a finding consistent with much of the existing literature [25, 58, 59]. With greater education, adolescents' opportunities to avert early childbearing may improve due to increased knowledge and agency in prevention of unintended pregnancies [25]. Adolescents with higher levels of education are as well more likely to delay onset of sexual relations and marriage; are more empowered and better informed about those fundamental and legal rights that are indispensable in decision-making about good for you living including optimal timing of marriage and pregnancy [58]. Another reason for this finding could be the possibility of reverse causality as adolescents with children might have to drop out from school.
Adolescent girls who were working were more likely to experience first pregnancy compared to those who were not working. Several other studies accept also found the risk of adolescent pregnancy to be higher among adolescent girls in employment [24, 60], mayhap considering female adolescents who are not working may be in school. Virtually of these students may have admission to sexuality teaching, which has been found to reduce the likelihood of adolescent pregnancy [61–63]. The likelihood of repeated pregnancies amongst out-of-school adolescents is very loftier with high prevalence of risky sexual behaviour reported among out-of-school adolescents [64, 65]. The possibility of contrary causality may also business relationship for the loftier prevalence of start pregnancy amongst working adolescents as getting meaning/having a child might influence the probability of working [66].
Adolescent girls in SSA who were exposed to media (television, newspaper or radio) had lower odds of having first adolescent pregnancy. This supports the findings of previous studies [19, 25, 67, 68]. Boyish girls who are exposed to media may have greater access to SRH information [69, 70]. Such information tin can empower them in relation to their sexual rights and choices. Sexual and reproductive health communications through the media may promote healthy sexual development and reduce sexual risk-taking behaviours [71]. On the other paw, studies have also constitute that exposure to media can exist linked to adolescents engaging in behaviours that put them at take a chance for adolescent pregnancy [72, 73].
Finally, later sexual debut was linked to lower rates of having first adolescent pregnancy in SSA, every bit in other studies [42, 59, 74]. The possible reason for this finding is that afterwards sexual debut is associated with less time of exposure to pregnancy [75]. Other reasons could exist that contraceptives are more often used effectively to forbid pregnancy amidst boyish girls who engage in later sexual debut, and older adolescent girls might exist more than able to negotiate safer sexual practice with their partners [59].
Limitations of the study
Caution is required in interpreting this report's findings because the report's cross-sectional design did not permit the examination of causal relationships between these variables and rates of boyish pregnancy in SSA. The employ of composite data to examine the influences on adolescent pregnancy in 32 SSA countries is a farther limitation, taking into consideration the heterogeneity of these countries and their cultures. However, this was addressed to some extent by decision-making for the issue of the sub-regional variable in the multilevel logistic regression analysis. The pooled data included surveys spanning close to a decade and experiences may vary across a decade. Moreover, including adolescents who had always had a pregnancy terminated as part of the measure of boyish pregnancy is likely to lead to bias in the findings since it has been constitute that data on pregnancy termination in the DHS are ofttimes of poor quality and nether-reported [76]. Again, for some participants, questions asked were in reference to bug that occurred after pregnancy, while for others, the questions asked were in reference to current pregnancy. For this latter group, electric current pregnancy may have affected their reported cognition and behaviour. Finally, apart from age at first sex, data on the explanatory variables included in this study refer to the time of the surveys, and may differ to the experience at the time of pregnancy. This can lead to reverse causation, where, for example, teaching may have been discontinued, wedlock occurred or cognition of contraception been caused afterwards pregnancy.
Policy and public wellness implications
Our findings have implications for policy, public health and further research. The prevalence of first adolescent pregnancy in SSA varies widely, with high prevalence amidst adolescents in Central Africa. Understanding the individual and contextual level factors associated with outset adolescent pregnancy, while controlling for individual countries, adds to existing literature and can assistance support comeback in social policy evolution. The success of policies would depend on cultural and social modify, coupled with engagement of adolescents and stakeholders in boyish sexual and reproductive wellness. There is testify that policies exist beyond much of SSA that support comprehensive sexuality education and sexual and reproductive health services accessibility in most countries in SSA. However youth involvement in policy conception, and plans for implementation, monitoring and evaluation are inadequate [77]. Such policies should likewise aim at eradicating child marriage, which puts adolescent girls at risk of pregnancy [78]. In the long term, understanding the complexities that be below predictors of adolescent pregnancy and improving the implementation of policies volition help to achieve Sustainable Development Goal iii that seeks to ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages. Our findings provide a basis for future inquiry on adolescent pregnancy in the region. Future studies should examine the predictors of adolescent pregnancy using prospective study designs which can accost some of the major limitations of the current study. Additionally, the apply of qualitative research can provide rich information to explain the complexities of adolescent pregnancy in differing cultures of SSA.
Conclusion
Concerns remain about the high level of first adolescent pregnancy across SSA. Building on previous inquiry into factors associated with adolescent pregnancy in SSA, we found that age, occupation, marital status, level of education, early on sexual initiation, knowledge of contraceptives, unmet need for contraception and wealth quintile are associated with starting time boyish pregnancy in SSA. To ensure that SDG 3 can exist realised by 2030, there needs to be investment in policy implementation and evaluation and engagement with stakeholders of adolescent sexual and reproductive health.
Supporting information
Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to MEASURE DHS for granting access to the datasets used in this report.
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